As Pakistan seeks to position itself as a responsible regional actor on the global stage, unrest in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) is exposing deep cracks closer to home.The agitation, which intensified in early June, led to violent clashes between protesters and security forces. The unrest comes at an awkward moment for Pakistan, which has recently projected diplomatic influence through its involvement in regional peace efforts. Yet the turmoil in PoK is drawing attention to a different reality, one marked by public anger, political discontent and growing criticism of Islamabad’s control over the territory.

What are the protests about?

The current POK protests aren’t a recent development, but have grown out of the public’s sustained anger since 2023. Initially, the protests were largely over rising electricity bills, inflation, and wheat subsidies.In response, traders, lawyers, students and civil society formed the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) and issued a 38‑point charter demanding subsidised flour, fair power tariffs, rollback of new taxes, curbs on official perks, and reforms in governance.Eventually, with elections in POK scheduled for July, the top of the protesters’ agenda became the demands for the abolition of 12 reserved seats in POK’s legislative assembly that are reserved for Kashmiri refugees and their descendants living in Pakistan.

Division of seats in POK assembly

Under the so-called interim constitution of POK, the regional assembly has 53 seats, and 12 of those are elected not by people living in PoK but by Kashmiri refugees settled in provinces of Pakistan.Such a legislative set-up is seen as an attempt by Islamabad to influence the so-called ‘sovereign’ decision-making process of the region, by diluting the vote of people who actually live in POK.However, while a high-level government committee had previously reached an agreement on 36 out of 38 demands by JAAC, the supreme court in POK, on June 7, said Kashmiri refugees in the regional assembly have constitutional protection and 12 seats cannot be abolished through administrative or executive measures. The government said it wasn’t a refusal to negotiate but recognition of constitutional limits.

Pakistan’s provinces are made of land, not people

Beneath the issues is a deeper grievance of resource exploitation. POK hydropower and other natural resources are systematically extracted for Pakistan’s benefit, while doing little to improve the lives of local residents.The Mangla Dam on the Jhelum River, located in Mirpur district, is a flagship multipurpose project with an installed capacity now being uprated from 1,000 MW towards 1,310 MW, feeding directly into Pakistan’s national grid. The Neelum–Jhelum Hydroelectric Project near Muzaffarabad adds a further 969 MW. Despite the contribution, the region itself suffers an energy crisis, and high electricity tariffs.According to ACAPS, around 40% of POK’s population lived below the poverty line in 2023, underlining the disconnect between resource contribution and human development.Balochistan has a similar story; it is the largest province in Pakistan, covering 44% of the landmass. According to a report by the Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad (ISSI), major fields at Sui, Uch, Pirkoh, Loti and Zarghun still account for nearly 36% of national gas output, while the province itself consumes only about 17%, with the rest flowing to other regions. The paper notes, significant copper, gold and other mineral deposits at Saindak and Reko Diq.Yet 47% of the population falls under Poverty, compared to the national average of 28.9%. Dera Bugti which is home to the Sui gas field, one of the largest in Pakistan, often ranks among lowest in the national Human Development Index.Both Pakistan‑occupied Kashmir (PoK) and Balochistan illustrate a stark paradox: they are central to Pakistan’s resource economy, yet remain among its poorest and most sensitive regions.

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According to Ashok Sharma, geopolitical expert and Visiting Fellow at Australian Defence Force Academy, “From a strategic standpoint, these developments create challenges for Pakistan because they expose governance deficits in geographically sensitive and strategically important regions. POK borders India and forms a key part of the broader Kashmir dispute, while Balochistan hosts critical projects associated with the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), including Gwadar Port and major mining projects. Therefore, Continued instability places additional pressure on Pakistan’s security apparatus and governance institutions”.“Secessionist sentiment is indeed very strong right now, not just in POK, but in Balochistan and the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) regions. India’s ideal position is to support the issues of democracy and human rights through diplomatic channels”, said Rajan Kumar, Professor, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University

How Pakistan controls POK while claiming it to be ‘Azaad’

Besides the criterion of 12 reserved seats, Pakistan ensures its control over POK through the very foundation of its constitutional principles.On August 14, 1974, the Pakistani federal government, under then-Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, enacted the Interim Constitution of Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir, which was passed by POK’s legislative assembly.It provided a formal, written legal structure to manage the disputed territory and gave Islamabad the supreme legislative and executive powers over crucial matters like defence, foreign policy, and even the currency used.Despite having its own assembly and Prime Minister, POK’s institutions are ‘hollow’.Under Article 7(3) of the interim constitution, no person or political party in POK shall be permitted to propagate against, or take part in activities prejudicial or detrimental to, the ideology of the State’s accession to Pakistan. This effectively makes all political options in POK, except support for accession to Pakistan, unlawful.Under Article 56, the government in Islamabad can dismiss any elected POK government. A system shaped in a manner that gives the upper hand to the decision‑makers in Islamabad, treating POK as a provisional entity rather than a fully empowered federal unit.However, despite being under Pakistan’s control, Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir has no representation in Pakistan’s National Assembly or Senate, so residents are subject to federal decisions, such as defence and foreign policy, without any direct say in those institutions.

Peace-broker with a burning home

The unrest in Pakistan presents a striking contradiction. While Islamabad has been projecting itself as a stable and reliable regional actor, through mediation, in the recent US-Iran peace process, it continues to grapple with deep internal instability. On Saturday, at least 7 people were killed as two bombs exploded in northwestern Pakistan.

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The country faces persistent security challenges, including separatist violence in Balochistan, militant attacks in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and growing unrest in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. The contrast highlights a broader dilemma for Islamabad: while it seeks diplomatic influence abroad and recognition as a responsible stakeholder in regional affairs, recurring internal conflicts continue to raise questions about its own governance, security, and political stability.“The ethnic composition in POK has changed completely over the years, making the situation even more complex. We should stick to raising these concerns at the UN and other international forums on the grounds of human rights. Engaging directly is difficult because while the territory is Indian by parliamentary resolution, taking it back could lead to a major border conflict”, said Kumar.At one level, the PoK protests look like a familiar bread‑and‑butter revolt over electricity bills, wheat prices and taxes. At a deeper level, they are a direct collision between the lived hardship and a constitutional architecture designed to keep the territory weak, dependent and safely pro‑Pakistan.The same interim constitution that bars any party or candidate who questions accession to Pakistan, and requires oaths of loyalty to that end‑state, also allows Islamabad to dismiss elected governments and, through 12 non‑resident ‘refugee seats’, help manufacture majorities in Muzaffarabad using voters who do not even live in POK